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Records · Evidence review

Impact review: Inequality — the actions on /inequality/do/ and /inequality/practice/

The working record behind the pages, published as written. Source file source/impact/inequality-2026-11-05.md. All records.

Reviewed 2026-11-05 (research run 20:55–21:35 EST). Scope: the evidence behind every action the two pages recommend, the best-evidenced things one person can do that the pages leave out, who benefits and who might be harmed, what the evidence says about doing these things with other people, and the standing of every organisation the pages name. The content pages were not edited; this file is the review. Isaac decides what changes.

Decision being made: which actions the inequality Do and Practice pages recommend, in what order, with what wording. Population: one US person (the pages lean NYC), no special position, a few hours a month, a modest budget. What is being estimated: the effect of each action on (a) the poverty or wellbeing of the people it touches and (b) the distribution itself (inequality), per hour or dollar the reader puts in. The two are graded separately because the evidence separates them: the actions with the best evidence move poverty; the actions that could move the distribution have the thinnest evidence for one person.

Grades, fixed before reading:

Source grades, fixed list: primary (the agency, journal, dataset or court that produced the number), research (peer-reviewed or working paper), charity's own (an organisation's figures about itself, including city press releases about city programmes where noted), news, industry (trade bodies, vendors, projections), unread (a search-result snippet; the page was not opened). Every figure below carries one. Nothing here is from memory; where a figure could not be fetched today it is marked and not used.

**Mapping to the site's <span class="grade"> vocabulary** (CLAUDE.md): primary → primary; research → research (NBER/IZA working papers → preprint); GiveWell and Charity Navigator → evaluator; charity's own → "GiveDirectly's own figures", "NYC's own figures", etc.; news → news; industry → industry research or industry projection as fits; unread → unread; this file's own sums (fees kept per volunteer-season, refund per return) → our arithmetic. Action grades map one-to-one onto <span class="evidence"> (strong, moderate, weak, none but plausible, contradicted).

How this was done: four research streams. Three ran as parallel agents (EITC/VITA/CTC; cash transfers; civic/unions/housing/group formats) and reported sources they opened; I re-opened the keystone sources the pages already lean on (IRS participation and EITC statistics, GiveWell's GiveDirectly page, Egger et al., Vivalt et al., Baby's First Years, Census 2023, NYC DCWP) and ran the organisation checks myself. The session's shared web-search budget ran out partway through; everything after that was fetched by known URL. The gaps that caused are listed in section E, not papered over.

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0. The answer first

Top five for one person, ranked by evidence that the action changes outcomes for the people it touches

#ActionGradeMovesOne-line evidence
1Give cash to people in extreme poverty (GiveDirectly); or to GiveWell's top charities if the goal is lives savedstrong (recipients); the multiplier and spillovers are contestedpovertyRCT across 653 Kenyan villages, 10,500+ households: large consumption and asset gains, local multiplier 2.4, minimal inflation (Egger et al., Econometrica 2022); assets still +40% at three years (Haushofer & Shapiro 2018); lump sums did at least as well as a 12-year UBI (Banerjee et al. 2023). GiveWell: 71–85% of cost reaches recipients; 30–40% as cost-effective as its top-charity bar. Four of six spillover studies find null or slightly negative spillovers; Egger is the outlier. No trial finds a Gini effect.
2One personal message or call to your state legislator on a named bill (in NYC, your Council member on housing)moderateinequality (the rules)Michigan field RCT: legislators randomly assigned to receive constituent calls were ~12 points more likely to support the bill; the number of calls beyond "some" did not matter (Bergan & Cole 2015). New Mexico RCT: legislators given district opinion voted with it (Butler & Nickerson 2011). Federal evidence is staff perceptions only (CMF 2017: individualised email 92%, form email 56%). Low-salience bills; expect less on headline fights.
3Prepare free tax returns at a VITA / NYC Free Tax Prep sitemoderate for the families served; weak for "raises EITC take-up"poverty2.9M returns a year, IRS quality review accuracy 98.5% (announced reviews; TIGTA's anonymous shopper audits 2009–13 found 39–59%). ~40 returns per volunteer-season; NY average fee saved $346. But six RCTs (1M observations) found pointing people to VITA had zero effect on claiming, and the missing fifth are mostly non-filers VITA rarely reaches.
4Fund or volunteer for tenant legal representation; press for full right-to-counsel fundingmoderate–strong for the householdspoverty, housingNYC Housing Court RCT: judgments against 32% of tenants offered counsel vs 52% of controls (Seron et al. 2001). NYC Universal Access quasi-experiment: representation cut possessory judgments 30–52%, evictions 45–78% (upper bounds), ~$3,200 per household (Cassidy & Currie 2022). FY2022: 63% of tenants represented, so the gap is funding.
5If it applies to you: pay the person who works in your home legally (and, if your workplace is organising, join)strong by construction for that worker; none for inequalitypoverty (one worker)A transfer plus Social Security coverage; no study needed for the direct effect, none exists for downstream effects. Unions: the best-evidenced inequality compressor of the twentieth century (Farber et al.: union growth explains over a quarter of the 1936–68 Gini fall), but the effect of winning your election on your wage is contested (DiNardo & Lee ≈0; Frandsen: compression; Knepper: benefits up).

Reduce inequality vs reduce poverty. Items 1, 3, 4 and 5 move poverty or wellbeing for identifiable people, with the best evidence. Only item 2 (and the union clause of 5) touches the distribution, and there the evidence for one person's marginal effect is the weakest on the list. The pages already say this honestly ("You can't change that from your kitchen"); the ranking should say it too.

Drop, keep, re-rank

Page itemVerdictReason
Free tax prep (step 1)Keep; re-word; move to step 2Certain, countable benefit to ~40 households a season. But "money they wouldn't otherwise get" (Practice page) and "Volunteers file it for them" as a take-up fix are not supported: the RCTs on steering people to VITA are null, and VITA handles 1.8% of returns. Say: filed free and right, the fee ($346 average in NY) stays with the family, average EITC $2,894 (TY2024). Replace the unverified "$2,700". Mention the accuracy contest and the greeter/interpreter roles.
Pay household workers legally (step 2)Keep as a conditional box, not a numbered stepOnly readers who employ someone can do it. Grade is strong by construction for that worker; zero for inequality (the page says so).
Cash to GiveDirectly (step 3)Keep; move to step 1; add the contestStrongest evidence on the page. Add: four of six spillover studies are null or slightly negative; fraud losses ~1% a year (DRC 2022 case, $1.2M); GiveWell's own bar prefers malaria/vitamin A for lives.
Personal message to a state legislatorRe-rank up into "the whole thing"The only item with evidence of touching the rules, and the evidence is better than "small, real": two field experiments, ~12 points on low-salience bills. Add calls (the Michigan RCT used calls). Keep the two NY bills; add COPA/Intro 650 at Council.
Community land trust (join/fund WQCLT)Re-rank down; replace the "strong for the people housed" lead with tenant legal aidCLT evidence is real (95% of resales affordable at ≤80% AMI; 2.6% vs 6.9% annual move rate) but the grade attaches to CLTs generally; Western Queens CLT has gross receipts under $50,000 and no completed project yet. Right to counsel has an RCT and a quasi-experiment and a measured funding gap. Keep COPA as a legislator target.
Credit unionDrop to the Q&AThe page already grades it "weak as a lever". No outcome evidence for inequality; it dilutes the list. Keep the honest "good for you" answer in Questions.
Co-ops and employee-owned firmsDrop to Learn or the Q&AWeak: small performance correlation with a selection caveat; no evidence a buyer's choice changes anyone's income.
Report anticompetitive conductDropNone-but-plausible; no evidence any individual report has produced a case. Ten minutes is cheap, but the list is the product.
Add: tenant legal representation / right to counselAddSee top five.
Add: union membership, conditionalAdd as a conditional lineSee top five; honest about the contested individual-level effect.

Group formats: what the evidence supports

Organisation flags

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A. The evidence behind each action on the pages

A1. Volunteer at a free tax-preparation site (VITA / NYC Free Tax Prep) — grade: moderate (families served) / weak (take-up)

What the pages claim. Do: "About one in five eligible workers never claim the Earned Income Tax Credit… Volunteers file it for them, and you can count every return." Practice: "Each return you finish for a family that qualifies for the EITC is, on average, a few thousand dollars they wouldn't otherwise get" (source note: "$2,700, recalled rather than re-read").

The participation gap is real. IRS, EITC participation rate by state (reviewed 19 Aug 2026, primary): 80.8% nationally for TY2022, New York 83.7%; "Approximately 19.2% of all eligible earned income taxpayers in TY2022 didn't claim" — modelled from ACS linked to IRS records. The CPS-based estimate is 78% (IRS–Census CES-24-75, Dec 2024, primary: "eligible taxpayers participated in the EITC program at a rate of 78 percent" for TY2021; dollar participation 81%). Two methods, two numbers: keep both. Average credit: $2,894 nationally, $2,753 in New York, TY2024, 24M claims, $69.6B (IRS EITC statistics, reviewed 28 Jul 2026, primary). This replaces the Practice page's unverified "$2,700".

Who the missing fifth are. Bhargava & Manoli (AER 2015, research, RCT, 35,050 filers who had not claimed): "of the 25 percent who do not take-up, 16 percent do not file taxes." Linos et al. (AEJ: Economic Policy 2022, research): "Twenty-five percent of nonfilers are eligible for credits of $300 or less, as compared with 9 percent of filers." Most of the gap is people who file no return at all, and their credits skew small.

Does steering people to free tax prep raise claiming? This is where the page's chain is weakest.

So: information and referral to VITA have no measured effect on claiming; what moves take-up is simplification and hands-on assistance. The assistance evidence comes from other programmes: Finkelstein & Notowidigdo (QJE 2019, research, RCT, ~30,000 elderly Pennsylvanians): SNAP enrolment 6% control, 11% information only, 18% information plus phone application assistance, ~$60 per enrollee. Bettinger et al. (QJE 2012, research, RCT, 26,162 in H&R Block offices): completing the FAFSA with the family raised college enrolment 8.1 points (from 34.2%); information alone did nothing. Against this, Bird et al. (NBER w26158, 2021, research, two RCTs, 800,000+ students): one-on-one advising "no impacts on financial aid receipt or college enrollment." Keep the contest: assistance works when it does the form with the person; it is not guaranteed.

What VITA demonstrably does. IRS Publication 5347, Sept 2026 (primary): "During the 2026 filing season… over 9,000 VITA/TCE sites, with more than 84,500 volunteers… over 2.9 million federal tax returns." Accuracy 98.47% weighted (293 of 298 returns reviewed), 90% CI 96.81–99.40% — but "representative only of VITA/TCE sites… that prepared at least 50 tax returns during Filing Season 2025," and TIGTA's 2016 audit (primary) notes "For most of the site visits and return reviews, volunteers are aware that a QSS review is being conducted." TIGTA's anonymous shopper audits found 41% of returns inaccurate in 2009, 61% in 2011 (14 of 36 correct), 51% in 2012 and 49% in 2013 (20 of 39 correct) — small judgemental samples (TIGTA 2013-40-110, primary; AccountingToday 2009–2013, news). No TIGTA or GAO VITA accuracy report after 2017 was found. Keep both numbers on the page: the IRS's 98% is announced-review accuracy; the last independent anonymous tests were far lower and are a decade old. VITA/TCE prepared 1.8% of domestic individual returns in TY2024 (National Taxpayer Advocate 2025 report, primary). NYC: "In just one tax season, you'll complete about 40 tax returns" (DCWP volunteer page, updated 10/2026, primary).

The fee the family keeps. NYC DCWP: average New York preparation fee "$346" (FAQ, updated 03/2026, primary); 2026 season $37.8M saved on 100,216 returns (Mayor's office, 30 Sep 2026, charity's own for a city programme). NACo deck (Nov 2023, industry): 51% of EITC claimants use a paid preparer; average fee $220. PPI 2016 (research, think-tank mystery shop, two cities): chain fees $309–$509 for EITC filers, "between 13 and 22 percent of the average EITC refund." Forty returns × $346 ≈ $13,800 in fees kept per volunteer-season, plus refunds delivered on time (NYC 2026: $188.8M / 100,216 = ~$1,884 per return, our arithmetic).

Verdict. Keep the action; it is the most countable thing on the page and the benefit per return is certain. Change the claim. The honest sentence: "Each return you finish is a family's refund filed free and right; in New York the fee they keep averages $346, and the average EITC is about $2,900. The one-in-five who miss the credit are mostly people who file nothing at all; sites that bring them in need greeters, interpreters and evening hours as much as preparers."

A2. Pay the person who works in your home as the law requires — grade: strong by construction (that worker); none (inequality)

No study is needed for the direct effect and none exists for the indirect ones: paying the legal rate, overtime, paid leave and Social Security is a transfer to one worker plus future benefit eligibility. The legal facts on the page (NY DOL, NYS Labor Law §170, IRS Pub 926, DCWP leave FAQ) were fetched in today's research run and are not re-graded here.

Context for "who benefits": BLS Occupational Outlook Handbook (May 2025, primary): childcare workers median $16.82/hour (1,010,300 jobs); home health and personal care aides $17.21 (4,677,100 jobs; 760,500 openings a year); janitors and cleaners $17.71. Caveat the page should carry if it uses these: BLS pay data "does not include… workers in private households because these data are not collected by the Occupational Employment and Wage Statistics (OEWS) survey" — the very workers this action is about are missing from the official wage data. The EPI domestic-workers chartbook (poverty rates, benefits) could not be opened (403, unread). Share of household employers who pay off the books, and any evaluation of the Domestic Workers' Bill of Rights's effect on wages: not researched (search budget).

Possible harm, unmeasured: formalising adds about 11% (page's own arithmetic) and may lead some employers to cut hours; some workers prefer cash for immigration or benefit reasons. These are reasoning, not evidence; the page already frames the action as a floor the employer controls, which is right.

A3. Give cash directly (GiveDirectly) — grade: strong for recipients; contested on spillovers and the multiplier

The trial the page cites. Egger, Haushofer, Miguel, Niehaus & Walker, NBER w26600 (Dec 2019, rev. Oct 2021; Econometrica 90(6), Nov 2022, research): "one-time cash transfers of about USD 1000 to over 10,500 poor households across 653 randomized villages in rural Kenya. The implied fiscal shock was over 15 percent of local GDP… large impacts on consumption and assets for recipients… large positive spillovers on non-recipient households and firms, and minimal price inflation. We estimate a local transfer multiplier of 2.4." The page's "$2.40 per dollar, little inflation" matches the abstract. GiveWell's summary of the same paper (research-evaluator): "statistically significant, but economically minimal, local price inflation"; non-recipient consumption 13% higher; 5–7-year preliminary data show non-recipients still ~8% higher but not significant (GiveWell gives it little weight).

The contest the page does not carry. GiveWell (primary for its own assessment, Nov 2024, updated Oct 2025): "Four of six" studies measuring spillovers "find null or slightly negative effects"; Haushofer & Shapiro (2016, 2018) found eligible non-recipients' consumption 4% lower at nine months and 16% lower at three years; McIntosh & Zeitlin (2022) no significant spillovers; Banerjee et al. (2023) could not reject zero; Egger et al.'s results "stand in stark contrast." GiveWell's reasons to weight Egger more: Haushofer & Shapiro collected no data on ineligible households (Berk Özler's point), so their spillover estimate is partial. Elsewhere, Filmer et al. (2023, government cash transfers in the Philippines): perishable food prices up 6–8% in saturated remote villages and stunting "among nonbeneficiary children" up 11 percentage points (34%) — a different programme, context and saturation level, but it is the clearest evidence that cash can hurt neighbours.

Mortality. Walker et al. (2025, via GiveWell): under-5 mortality "45% decline relative to control" during the transfer years, none for children born after transfers ended; GiveWell applies a 50% internal-validity haircut to 23% and says it "cannot identify a mechanism that rationalizes an effect this large."

Cost-effectiveness and efficiency. GiveWell: "~30-40% as cost-effective as our marginal funding opportunity"; "~3-4x more cost-effective than we had previously estimated"; transfers as a share of total cost: Kenya 84%, Malawi 84%, Mozambique 75%, Rwanda 85%, Uganda 71%; transfer ~$1,000 per household (Kenya currently ~$865). GiveDirectly's own page (charity's own, undated): "$87 of every $100 you give goes to someone in extreme poverty as cash" for its Poverty Relief programmes; its own footnote says the 990-based figure is lower. Both numbers are right about different denominators; keep both as the page does.

Fraud. GiveDirectly DRC case page (charity's own, 5 Jun 2023, updates to 24 Sep 2024): "just under $1.2M was illegally diverted from our D.R.C. operations in 2022", "0.8% of the $144M we delivered globally last year"; 1,900 families lost five months of payments and "are in the process of being paid back"; $11.5K recovered. GiveWell applies a −2% fraud/wastage adjustment. Outside the 24-month window, but the page should say "fraud losses run about 1% a year, publicly disclosed."

US cash: the sobering half. Vivalt, Rhodes, Bartik, Broockman, Krause & Miller, NBER w32719 (rev. Aug 2026; QJE 141(4) 2026, research): 1,000 low-income adults given $1,000 a month for three years vs 2,000 controls at $50: labour-market participation −4.2 points, 1–2 fewer hours a week, individual income excluding transfers −$1,900 a year, "no impact on quality of employment", wellbeing up in year one then back to control. Baby's First Years, NBER w33844 (May 2025, research): $333 vs $20 a month from birth, n=891 at age four, "no statistically significant impacts" on four preregistered primary outcomes (language, executive function, social-emotional problems, brain activity) or three secondary ones. The other US pilots (Stockton, Denver, Chelsea, Compton), the later Baby's First Years papers, and the cash-vs-in-kind and labour-supply literature are in A3-bis.

Verdict. Keep; promote to step 1 on evidence grade; add one sentence of contest ("one very large trial found neighbours gained too; four smaller ones found they did not, or lost a little") and one on fraud. Keep the GiveWell pointer for readers who want lives per dollar: Malaria Consortium ~$4,000 per life saved, Helen Keller ~$3,500, New Incentives ~$4,500, Against Malaria ~$5,500 (GiveWell top charities, updated Oct 2026, research-evaluator; GiveWell's general range "$3,000 and $5,500", Apr 2024 page).

A3-bis. Cash transfers: the wider literature and the US pilots

**GiveDirectly's other randomised trials (all research unless noted).**

The critical literature.

Cash versus in-kind, and paternalism.

US guaranteed-income pilots. Grades matter here: several headline findings are programme-published (charity's own) and the peer-reviewed versions are quieter.

Alaska. Jones & Marinescu, AEJ: Economic Policy 2022 (research, synthetic control): "the dividend had no effect on employment and increased part-time work by 1.8 percentage points (17 percent)." Guettabi, ISER 2019 (via the university's write-up, news; PDF blocked): "substantial poverty reductions for rural Alaska Natives", shrinking over time; the dividend increases inequality "in both the short and long run"; obesity down among three-year-olds; "substance abuse related incidents increase while property crime related events decrease" after payout. The page's treatment is consistent with this.

What this adds to the page. The Learn and Do pages' line "Cash works in Kenya; in the US the trials are sobering" holds, with three refinements: (1) the Kenyan evidence is strong on recipients and contested on neighbours; (2) the US evidence is not uniformly null — Chelsea Eats cut emergency visits 27% and Compton improved housing security — but the large RCTs show modest work reductions and fading wellbeing gains, and the two most-quoted positive headlines (Stockton employment, Denver housing) do not survive their own peer-reviewed or between-group tests; (3) lump sums did at least as well as monthly payments in the Kenya UBI trial, so a reader's one-off gift is not a lesser form of the action.

A4. Write a personal message to a state legislator on a named bill — grade: moderate (state); weak (federal)

The page's source is the Congressional Management Foundation's 2017 Citizen-Centric Advocacy (primary for its own survey): 2015 survey of congressional staff (n≈190–233; 233 responses Aug–Oct 2015). Share saying a contact has "some" or "a lot" of positive influence on an undecided member: in-person constituent visit 94%, individualised email 92%, individualised letter 88%, phone call 84%, form email 56%. This is federal staff's perception, not measured behaviour; 47% of staff "believe that 'most advocacy campaigns of identical form messages are sent without the constituent's knowledge or approval.'"

Field experiments, all at state level:

Verdict. The page under-sells this. It is cheap, it is the only action with experimental evidence of changing a rule, and the effect (≈12 points on one legislator's vote on a low-salience bill) is large relative to the cost. Target state legislators and the City Council, where the experiments were run; name the bill; write or call in your own words (form messages are the one format staff discount). Honest ceiling: the NY antitrust and champerty bills are low-salience, which is where the effect was measured; a millionaire-tax fight is not.

A5. Join or fund a community land trust; back COPA — grade: moderate for households housed; weak as a lever for one reader

Wang, Cahen, Acolin & Walter, Lincoln Institute WP19RW1 (Apr 2019, research, administrative data, 58 programmes, 4,108 properties): "Ninety-five percent of shared equity homes are priced affordably for families earning 80 percent of area median income (AMI) or below"; "only 3 percent of resales since 2007… unaffordable to households below 80 percent of AMI"; median household "accumulates approximately $14,000" on a median $1,875 equity investment; annual move rate 2.6% vs 6.9% for all homeowners; 58% buy again. Foreclosure: this paper reports none of its own; the page's 2011 Thaden figures (1.30% vs 8.57% seriously delinquent) were fetched in the research run and are a self-reported survey of 62 CLTs. About 44,000 units nationally (Lincoln census, 2023).

For one reader: becoming a "monthly sustainer" of Western Queens CLT (501(c)(3) since Nov 2024; 990-N, gross receipts under $50,000, FY2024 and FY2025, ProPublica primary; three projects "pursuing", none completed, wqclt.org charity's own) is a small bet on an early-stage group, not a contribution to the measured outcomes above. The measured outcomes belong to mature CLTs with housing stock. Keep COPA/Intro 650 as the legislator ask (A4 evidence); grade the WQCLT line honestly.

A6. Move your money to a credit union — grade: none-but-plausible (inequality); the page already says "weak as a lever"

No outcome evidence was sought or found beyond the research run's NCUA rate comparison (primary), which is about the reader's own costs. Recommend moving to the Q&A.

A7. Buy from co-ops and employee-owned firms — grade: weak

Research run: meta-analysis r≈0.04 on performance; layoffs 1.9% vs 5.1%; NCEO's own caveat "correlation is not causation." No evidence a buyer's choice changes a worker's income. Recommend moving to Learn or the Q&A.

A8. Report anticompetitive conduct — grade: none-but-plausible

No evidence was found that individual complaints lead to cases; none was sought beyond the agencies' intake pages. Recommend dropping.

A9. "Tax" as an action

The page's tax actions resolve to A1 (claim what the law already gives) and A4 (ask for a different law). Both graded above. For completeness: refundable credits lifted 6.1 million people above the SPM line in 2025, 3.3 million of them children, cutting the child SPM rate 4.5 points; the EITC alone lifted 4.0 million (Census P60-290, Sept 2026, primary). The 2021 expansion: SPM child poverty 9.7% (2020) → 5.2% (2021) → 12.4% (2022) → 13.7% (2023) → 13.5% (2024, revised) → 13.4% (2025) (Census releases 2022–2026, primary; the 2019–2024 figures are pre-revision after BLS re-released SPM thresholds in July 2026 — re-check when Census publishes revised rates). Labour-supply contest on a permanent child allowance: Corinth, Meyer, Stadnicki & Wu (NBER w29366, simulation) 1.5 million exits; Ananat, Glasner, Hamilton & Parolin (NBER w29823, difference-in-differences on 2021) "very small, inconsistently signed, and statistically insignificant impacts." Different questions (a permanent programme modelled vs six temporary months observed); keep both.

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B. The highest-impact things one person can do — the reasoning behind the top five

The ranking in section 0 weighs three things: grade of evidence that the action changes an outcome for the affected people; size of that change per hour or dollar for someone with a few hours a month and a modest budget; and whether the reader can actually do it (conditional actions rank below unconditional ones of equal grade).

  1. Cash to the global poor has the only "strong" grade among unconditional actions and the clearest unit economics (71–87 cents of each dollar becomes a household's cash). It reduces poverty; its effect on inequality is confined to being the most progressive transfer available. The contests (spillovers, fade-out, fraud) are quantified and small relative to the recipient effect.
  2. A personal contact to a state legislator ranks second not because the per-person effect is large in absolute terms but because it is the one action with experimental evidence of changing a rule, it costs fifteen minutes, and nothing else on the page touches the distribution at all.
  3. VITA volunteering has a certain, countable, direct benefit (≈40 families, fee kept, refund delivered) and a credible but unproven take-up story. It is the best unconditional time action on the page.
  4. Tenant legal representation has an RCT and a quasi-experiment with large effects, a measured per-household cost, and a measured funding gap in NYC; it belongs on the page and is not there.
  5. Conditional actions (your household employee; your workplace union) are strong where they apply, which is why they are on the list, and conditional, which is why they are last.

Considered and left out of the five: volunteer tutoring and mentoring (RCT evidence — Reading Partners effect sizes 0.09–0.11 SD; Big Brothers Big Sisters 46% less likely to start drugs — but the outcome is education and youth development, not poverty or inequality as the page defines them); GiveWell top charities (stronger per-dollar evidence than cash, but on mortality — already pointed to from the cash step); voting and party work (no one-person evidence sought). Not researched: political donations to advocacy organisations.

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C. Communal impact

C1. Who benefits, and how much, per kept action

ActionWhoHow much (sourced)
Cash (GiveDirectly)A rural household in Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Mozambique or Uganda; its neighbours (contested)~$1,000 one-time per household (~$865 Kenya); recipient consumption +22% at nine months, assets +40% at three years; non-recipients +13% consumption (Egger) or −16% (Haushofer & Shapiro); under-5 mortality −45% raw, −23% GiveWell-adjusted; intimate-partner violence −0.22 to −0.26 SD; harvest value +35% (Liberia), +16% (Malawi)
VITA shift~40 households a season, mostly incomes under ~$70,000Fee kept ~$346 (NY); average refund ~$1,884 (NYC 2026 arithmetic); average EITC $2,894 where claimed
State-legislator contactWhoever the bill reaches≈12 points on one legislator's probability of support, low-salience bills
Tenant legal aidHouseholds in eviction proceedings; NYC: 42,000 served for $136M (≈$3,200 each)Judgments against 32% vs 52% (RCT); possessory judgments −30 to −52%, evictions −45 to −78% (quasi-experiment, upper bounds)
Household employerOne workerThe wage gap closed, overtime, leave, Social Security credits; about 11% on top of wages

C2. Harm and backfire

C3. Doing it with others

Summarised in section 0. The grades, fully sourced:

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D. Organisations the pages link to or name

OrganisationOperating (newest dated item)Latest filingEvaluatorControversy 2024-11 → 2026-11Stronger alternative for the same job
NYC Free Tax Prep (NYC DCWP) — linkedYes. Volunteer page "updated 10/2026": 2027 season, 8–10 hours training, age 16+, info sessions 27 Oct–3 Dec 2026, ~40 returns per volunteer (primary). 2026 season: 100,216 returns, $188.8M refunds, $37.8M fees saved, 100+ sites (Mayor's office 30 Sep 2026, charity's own); 2025: 110,000 returns, $346 average fee, $38.2M (3 Feb 2026 release)City programme; no 990. Site operators (nonprofits) not named on the pages fetched → not checked—None found (one search). Flag: returns down ~9% year on year, no reason givenCode for America GetYourRefund (virtual VITA; 345,000 filers since 2020; own RCTs; closed until late January) for people who cannot reach a site
IRS VITA/TCE — linkedYes. Volunteer page reviewed 20 Aug 2026; grant page 3 Nov 2026; sign-up form and Link & Learn live (research run). FS2026: 9,000+ sites, 84,500+ volunteers, 2.9M returns (primary)Grants: IR-2026-19 (30 Jan 2026) $53M, 315 VITA + 48 TCE, 479 applications requesting $79M+; IR-2026-60 (1 May 2026) next-cycle window 1–31 May 2026; grants.gov VITA-2027 notice $46.0M estimated, 325 awards (primary)TIGTA: last VITA accuracy audits 2013 (shopper) and 2016 (process); 2017 grant audit. None 2018–2026 foundIRS workforce −27% in 2025 (NTA 2025 report, primary); "key filing season programs lost approximately 8,300 (17 percent)" (TIGTA Jan 2026); no VITA/SPEC-specific figure found. Direct File ended Nov 2025 (news)—
GiveDirectly — linkedYes. SNAP shutdown response Nov 2025: $12M to 246,000+ households with Propel (AP/Fortune 24 Dec 2025, news)FY2024 Form 990: revenue $206,811,067, expenses $130,406,116, net assets $201,974,966 (ProPublica, primary); 2025 audit listed, no 990 yetCharity Navigator 4-star, 98%, FY2024, 4 of 4 beacons (research-evaluator); GiveWell: 30–40% of its bar (Oct 2025)DRC fraud 2022, $1.2M, disclosed 5 Jun 2023 — outside window. 2025: USAID cuts ended its US-government pure-cash programmes ("None of our pure cash programs continued," NPR 13 Aug 2025, news). No misconduct found in window (one search)For lives per dollar: GiveWell top charities (Oct 2026): Malaria Consortium ~$4,000/life, Helen Keller ~$3,500, New Incentives ~$4,500, AMF ~$5,500
GiveWell — namedYes (top-charities page updated Oct 2026)FY2024 Form 990 (The Clear Fund): revenue $269,542,773, expenses $183,707,000 (primary)Charity Navigator 4-star, 100%, 1 of 4 beacons completedNot searched (budget)—
Oxfam — data sourceOxfam America press page current to 2 Nov 2026; Oxfam GB to 2 Nov 2026Oxfam America FY ending Mar 2026, filed 14 Aug 2026: revenue $85,074,205, expenses $78,316,208 (primary)Charity Navigator 4-star, 96%, FY2025Oxfam GB: CEO Halima Begum left Dec 2025; tribunal claim 3 Feb 2026 (Devex, unread snippet; article 403). Board statement 7 Jul 2026 (charity's own): Rebecca Tuck KC review found trustees "acted in good faith and within their powers"; full review withheld "given ongoing wider legal proceedings." Interim co-chairs replaced by Stevie Spring from 26 Nov 2026 (9 Oct 2026). Ethnicity pay-gap reporting 26 Oct 2026 (Oxfam: median gap "not evidence of unequal pay for the same work"). Charity Commission: register page blocked; CC news page has no Oxfam item. Haiti 2018 and DRC 2020–21 cases are outside the windowFor the wealth share, the World Inequality Report (already on the page)
Hand in Hand: The Domestic Employers Network — templates linkedYes (© 2026; blog May 2026; event 12 Nov; templates page live with NY nanny agreement)Not found on ProPublica under "Hand in Hand Domestic Employers" or "Domestic Employers Network"; site states no entity, EIN or fiscal sponsor; lists NDWA as "Core Partner"—None foundNone needed for templates; verify entity before any donation link
Western Queens CLT — linkedSite live (© 2026), no dated posts; three projects "pursuing"501(c)(3) exemption Nov 2024; Form 990-N (gross receipts < $50,000) FY2024 and FY2025 (primary)—None foundFor housing outcomes with evidence: tenant legal-aid providers / right to counsel (A4, C1)
Certified EO — linkedLive (© 2025); "700+" companiesLLC (Richmond, VA); sells certification and member services———
US Federation of Worker Cooperatives — linkedLive (post 4 Nov 2026)ProPublica: revenue $1,958,235 (2024)———
NDWA — in the brief, not on the pageSite live; "Fund Care, Not Cuts in Georgia" 2026FY2024 Form 990: revenue $48,639,010, expenses $34,121,749, net assets $51,033,662 (primary)Charity Navigator 4-star, 97%, FY2024, 1 of 4 beacons; "Tax Form Disclosed on Website" 0%17 Sep 2025: 28 union staff laid off, "about one in three positions in the bargaining unit"; 11 Nov offer to cut five fewer; 93% strike authorisation, 95% turnout, announced 17 Nov 2025 (CWA release, news/union's account; no NDWA statement found). Outcome after Nov 2025 not found. Earlier Alia app shut down 2022 (research run)—
NCUA locator, DOJ, FTC, NY AssemblyFetched in today's research run (primary)government———

Alternatives checked for status: Benefits Data Trust — site unreachable today (certificate error), closure not verified; the SNAP RCT above was run with it. California Policy Lab CTC-gap project: results "expected in early 2025", not published as of today.

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E. What would overturn this, what is stale, what was not verified

Would overturn the ranking:

Time-sensitive, with dates:

Not verified today (do not use as read):

Searches that could not be run (budget exhausted): Oxfam GB regulatory status; NDWA resolution; Jaroszewicz et al.; Benefits Data Trust; domestic-worker compliance; DWBR evaluations; GetYourRefund 2026 outcomes; CMF 2020s surveys; federal roll-call experiments; tenant-union causal studies; Benevity; Independent Sector recruitment data; workplace peer-effect RCTs; Urban Institute VITA work; SPEC staffing.

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Sources (fetched 2026-11-05 unless marked; grade in brackets)

Keystones re-opened by the reviewer

Organisations (reviewer)

EITC / VITA / CTC stream (agent-opened)

Civic / unions / housing / group formats stream (agent-opened)

Cash-transfer stream (agent-opened)

Corrections, 2026-11-06

From the re-verification of 6 November (source/verify/inequality-2026-11-06-additions.md): the 2017 giving-circle study does compare members with "donors not involved in a GC" (this file said no comparison group). Karlan and McConnell's 14% comes from telling donors that larger givers are named in a newsletter. Karlan and List's 19% and 22% are for the match offer at any ratio, pooled. Census P60-290 (September 2026) revised SPM child poverty to 5.1% (2021) and 12.0% (2022) on new thresholds.

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